DATUK Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s new cabinet may be better characterised as a “cabinet reshuffle”. Excluding the end of tenure for Muhyiddin’s three ministerial special envoys, only nine (13%) government frontbenchers including Muhyiddin have been replaced. The total number remains at 69, no more no less. (Many miscalculated it as a reduction by 1 from Muhyiddin’s 70 because they wrongly used Muhyiddin’s earliest line-up from March 9 last year which was soon reduced to 69 after Tiong King Sing’s rejection of deputy ministership.)
As such, this may be seen as Muhyiddin cabinet 2.0. It is hard to imagine how almost the same line-up with some swap of portfolios – most notably between Khairy Jamaluddin (now health minister) and Datuk Seri Dr Adham Baba (now science, technology and innovation minister) – can avoid being labelled as #KerajaanGagal2. Ismail Sabri is overly cautious in not dropping deadwood ministers like Adham Baba or Datuk Seri Rina Harun or promoting Khairy as a senior minister in charge of pandemic, just to show some differences.
The prime minister has wasted his newly gained political capital from his peace-making with the opposition on Wednesday.
With an expected Confidence and Supply Agreement (CSA) with the opposition in his hand, he should have been bolder to fend off the competing demands from Bersatu, Umno and GPS to build a team with some bright spots. By ‘playing safe’ on his cabinet line-up, he has likely put himself in danger. Any blunder by his ministers will likely provoke more anger and frustration from the public.
Umno Supreme Council whose meeting has been postponed allegedly five times on Ismail Sabri’s request will likely be furious. Only one of Umno’s demands is met: no DPM. Two inter-related issues are likely to reignite the Umno civil war, as Muhyiddin is seen as Ismail Sabri’s invisible minister mentor. First, with an 87% similar administration, Umno fears it will pay dearly for the government’s continuous failure. Second, Umno’s main contention of Bersatu’s dominance in government is hardly addressed, with the latter losing in net one minister’s post and two deputy ministers’ post.
Most of Umno’s 15 – even if they are not part of the court cluster – and Supreme Council members who back them are clearly losers. Datuk Seri Shamsul Anuar Nasarah who fired the first slot in resigning is left out of the cabinet. Deputy president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan (Tok Mat) is not given a minister’s job by way of senatorial appointment.
The able and popular ex-deputy speaker Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said is likewise side-lined.
Only Datuk Seri Noraini Ahmad and Tan Sri Noh Omar are included in Ismail Sabri’s cabinet. Meanwhile, two Muhyiddin loyalists are rewarded, Tan Sri Annuar Musa is given the strategic portfolio of communications and Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim is made Federal Territories minister.
Umno is also worried that the Registrar of Societies under Bersatu Home Minister Hamzah Zainuddin’s control may be used to force an early party election for Ismail’s takeover or to deregister Umno if the standoff gets out of hand.
However, it will be suicidal if the opposition thinks that they can try another round of number game, whether it is under Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal or whosoever. The public has no tolerance for such repetition of a failed game. The opposition’s best option is perhaps to secure a CSA with Ismail Sabri on much more favourable terms than Muhyiddin offered on August 13, and form its shadow cabinet to compete on the policy front, and provide a stark comparison to the Muhyiddin 2.0 Cabinet for the disappointed Malaysians. – The Vibes, August 27, 2021
Prof Wong Chin Huat is a political scientist
