KUALA LUMPUR – When Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin unceremoniously stepped down as prime minister on August 16, 2021 after a 17-month stint that was mired in controversy, not many Malaysians would have envisioned Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob taking over the helm.
Lacking the political potency and star quality of many of his predecessors, and fairly unremarkable compared to some of his current parliamentary peers, Ismail Sabri somehow managed to command the support required to satisfy the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to appoint him as prime minister on August 21 last year.
To his credit, the Bera MP has been able to hold his fort despite being thrown into the deep end of the administration in what is arguably one of the country’s toughest moments – the post-pandemic recovery.
Excelling in certain aspects of his premiership while similarly receiving his fair share of criticisms, The Vibes takes a look back at the past year of Malaysia being under Ismail Sabri’s stewardship.
Points for bipartisanship spirit, impartiality
For supporters, observers, and neutrals alike, whatever happens between now and the end of his incumbency, Ismail Sabri will probably be most remembered for his spirit of bipartisanship, which culminated in the signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) with Pakatan Harapan (PH) on September 13, 2021.
This agreement has, among other things, ensured the passing of the historic anti-party hopping bill in Parliament, fast-tracked the Undi18 implementation and held off the general election amid the Covid-19 pandemic.
More importantly, his penchant for reaching across the aisle has helped bring down the political temperature in the country as rightly demanded by the king, although critics would argue that he was forced to submit to the opposition due to pressure from the palace and for his own survival’s sake.
Muda president Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman probably summed it up best when describing Ismail Sabri as “a formidable opponent and conciliatory prime minister” who is always open about meeting up with opposition members and having an air of informality when communicating even with his rivals.
And unlike many other former prime ministers, the unassuming Umno vice-president also appears to be more willing to backtrack on unpopular government decisions following brickbats – supposedly for the sake of the general public.
For example, the move to reintroduce a ceiling price for bottled cooking oil and the backpedalling on an initial plan to impose electricity surcharge on residential houses are testaments to this.
Possibly one of his most overlooked feats is that he had remained largely impartial in the discharging of his prime ministerial duties, in spite of internal pressure from his own party hanging over his head.
For one, he did not bow down to pressure to interfere in court cases involving Umno top guns, namely president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and his predecessor Datuk Seri Najib Razak – and separately disregarded demands by the same faction of leaders to expedite the general election, for good reasons.
Whether his refusal to dance to his party’s tune will cost him – be it his fate as prime minister in the coming election or the potential of irking Najib and Zahid’s loyalists – Ismail Sabri certainly showed good leadership in holding his ground.
He improved public confidence by moving to declassify the Investigating Committee on Procurement, Governance and Finance report relating to the littoral combat ship (LCS) controversy.
He also announced that the cabinet suggested for the LCS forensic audit report conducted in 2019 to be declassified but pending advice and views from the attorney-general and auditor-general.
The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) probe into the LCS investigation also saw former navy chief and ex-managing director Boustead Naval Shipyard Sdn Bhd Tan Sri Ahmad Ramli Mohd Nor become the first individual to be charged in court over the LCS project.
Tenure blighted by pestering, political patronage, and regression to Bumi-focused agenda
While he has been able to fend off some of the pressures, the same badgering – both by Umno leaders and other government allies in Perikatan Nasional (PN) – is his main Achilles’ heel, as he has not been able to fully focus his attention on administrative duties without having to look over his shoulders constantly.
One example is his refusal to grant the deputy prime minister’s post to Bersatu as initially agreed, ostensibly on the orders of Umno’s top leadership, which led to PN threatening to withdraw support and imperilling much of the reestablished political stability of recent months.
The deputy prime minister’s post aside, Ismail Sabri has been criticised for appointing politicians into key positions in government-linked companies and as envoys in a clear attempt to appease the different parties and factions in a fractious government, not-so-aptly named “Keluarga Malaysia” (Malaysian Family).
This is why the all-so-familiar argument of him being a weak prime minister has surfaced time and again, with critics opining that his own frailty and lack of firmness have allowed his arms to often get twisted.
Some also appear to have taken issue with Ismail Sabri’s failure to fully capitalise on the MoU signed with the opposition to accelerate more reforms such as making MACC independent from the government and separating the role of an attorney-general from a public prosecutor.
And while the excuse of time constraint can be used to justify arguably slow reform progress, there is little defence to Ismail Sabri’s knack for promoting Bumiputera agenda, an apparent regression back to the days of Barisan Nasional pre-2018.
In his cabinet’s first budget announcement in October last year, a staggering RM11.41 billion was allocated specifically for Bumiputera, while the prime minister also recently ordered Majlis Amanah Rakyat (Mara) to continue with the troubled Mara Digital project.
For naysayers, these moves can be interpreted as Ismail Sabri’s opportunistic attempt to placate the Malay heartland ahead of the election, by banking on his know-how from his previous stint as rural and regional development minister and from the rural support he already seems to enjoy.
What lies ahead for Ismail Sabri
Ismail Sabri’s next big decision will be to decide on the most appropriate time for a general election – one that would suit both him and his party, by taking into account his own political expediency as much as the sentiments on the ground that could influence the polling result.
Chiefly in his mind at the moment will be whether he will once again be given the mandate by Umno to lead the government in the event of an election victory – despite all the public assurances given by the party.
As things stand, he appears to be operating at the mercy of Zahid. Antagonising his president too much, including if he delays the general election, may cause him to be dropped as potential prime minister, with Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan patiently waiting in the wings.
But if he accedes to demands to dissolve Parliament soon, he will have the undesirable honour of being the shortest-serving prime minister, possibly drawing the ire of the king for holding an election at a time of economic uncertainty, and having lesser time to consolidate his power.
The latter is especially crucial if he has any intention of taking on Zahid for the party presidency, an option he would have certainly considered, with the two currently leading separate factions in a fragmented Umno.
Ismail Sabri’s tenure as Malaysia’s ninth prime minister may be coming to an end soon, after somehow managing to survive one year in Putrajaya’s hot seat, but what is in store for him in the future remains anybody’s guess.
At the moment, he will live to fight another day. – The Vibes, August 20, 2022
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