Murray Hunter
THE Sarawak State Legislative Assembly was dissolved with effect from 26 October 2026, after Premier Tan Sri Abang Johari Openg announced it following the consent of Yang di-Pertua Negeri Tun Dr Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar.
The decision clears the way for the 13th state election to be held within 60 days, ahead of the assembly’s natural term end in early 2027.
Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), which Abang Johari chairs, enters the contest from a position of overwhelming strength.
In the 2021 state election, it secured 76 of the 82 seats.
Subsequent political realignments, including the dissolution of Parti Sarawak Bersatu, left GPS controlling the vast majority of the house, with only two seats held by the Democratic Action Party (DAP), the sole remaining foothold of peninsula-based Pakatan Harapan (PH) parties.
This early election presents Abang Johari with a clear strategic opening.
The coming state election gives the chance to complete a thorough “Sarawakianisation” of the state legislature during his tenure. Removing the last peninsula-linked seats would allow GPS to present a fully local assembly as a defining achievement of his leadership, reinforcing the narrative of Sarawak charting its own course under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).
Autonomy as the Central Theme
Sarawak politics today is dominated by the autonomy agenda.
The state government has steadily reclaimed ground on education policy, pressed for greater federal revenue shares, asserted petroleum and gas rights through entities such as Petroleum Sarawak Berhad (PETROS), and advanced progressive language and cultural policies.
These efforts resonate widely.
Even among urban Chinese voters, support for GPS has grown after the state waived the Bahasa Melayu credit requirement for Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) holders seeking entry into Sarawak’s public universities (though a pass remains necessary for graduation under federal rules).
This combination of practical policy wins and identity politics gives GPS a powerful campaign platform.
Peninsula-based parties, particularly DAP, struggle to match it.
DAP’s two seats are vulnerable precisely because the party is widely viewed as an outsider focused on national rather than state-specific priorities.
Analysts have noted that PH is currently weakened by recent setbacks in other state elections and faces an uphill battle against the entrenched GPS machine in East Malaysia.
Timing and Political Reality
Calling the election while PH is on the back foot amplifies the opportunity.
With Melaka also heading to the polls and PH still recovering from losses elsewhere, the federal ruling coalition lacks the momentum and organisational strength to mount a serious challenge in Sarawak.
GPS has already confirmed it will contest all 82 seats and is preparing a mix of experienced incumbents and new faces.
A decisive GPS victory that eliminates the remaining DAP representation would not merely be another electoral triumph.
It would symbolise the effective exclusion of peninsula-based parties from the state assembly, consolidating local control and strengthening Abang Johari’s legacy as the premier who delivered a fully Sarawakian legislature.
Whether voters ultimately frame the contest in these terms remains to be seen, but the structural conditions with GPS dominance, autonomy momentum, and opposition weakness certainly make that outcome highly plausible.
The coming weeks will test whether Sarawak’s electorate prioritises continued local stewardship or retains space for national opposition voices.
For Abang Johari and GPS, the early dissolution offers a rare window to close the chapter on peninsula influence in the Dewan Undangan Negeri once and for all. – November 1, 2026
